Innsbrucker Gender Lectures

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Innsbrucker Gender Lectures im Wintersemester 2017/18 

 Innsbrucker Gender Lectures
51. Innsbrucker Gender Lecture
Lecture in English
In Cooperation with: Forschungsplattform Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Science, Universität Wien; Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Universität Wien; Radio Freirad

Gender & Peace Building
Beyond the Question of Inclusion & Exclusion

my-photo-march-2017.-firstjpg

Zahra´ Langhi, Co-founder and the CEO of the Libyan Women's Platform for Peace


            Tuesday, November 28th 2017, 7 PM
            Hörsaal 1, Erdgeschoss, SOWI, Universitätsstraße 15 (Ibk)

Comment: Josefina Echavarría Alvarez, Unit for Peace Studies, University of Innsbruck
Moderation: Lena Drummer, Research Platform Gender Studies & Doctoral Program Dynamics of Inequality and Difference, University of Innsbruck

Abstract&CV

During time of war and armed conflict, women continue to bear the brunt of causalities, gender-based violence and livelihood insecurity. Despite the unanimous UN adoption of Resolution 1325 calling for the increase in women’s representation in conflict management and resolution, little has been done to enforce and implement it. Overall, women play a limited role within the peace building process and peace negotiations. Looking into the three examples of Libya, Syria and Yemen in the UN led peace negotiations, what is noticed is that there is a lot of talk and literature about including women in the peace process. However, most of the discussion centers primarily around women’s inclusion or exclusion. When it came to practice in these countries, women were lucky if they were included in a secondary track with no mandate as in the case of Libya or included in an advisory board to the UN mediator as in the case of Syria. Their inclusion was mostly symbolic. A cloth of the table of negotiation! Most of the negotiation literature treats women primarily as an object of inclusion or exclusion and the decision to include or exclude is left to the male mediators or the powerful male negotiators. Women’s inclusion remains to be instrumentalised to tick the box and to make political gains and propaganda. Women in these UN led peace processes were not perceived as actors in their own right. Rather they are perceived as passive objects of inclusion or exclusion. The debate and the practice have not gone beyond that to understanding the variety of ways in which women can participate and how they can change and influence the process by introducing a new vision to the table of negotiation and/or by the community based constituency they represent. It’s time for a change to the “inclusion” debate. UN missions and programs on Women, Peace and Security must be evaluated on the basis of whether they enable women to broaden their potential for political mobilization, such that they can build sustainable peace and inclusive security.

Zahra' Langhi is a Co-founder and the CEO of the Libyan Women's Platform for Peace, a socio-political movement which aims at peace building, inclusivity and gender equality. Also she participated in the UN led peace process. She was also advisor to the Libyan National Dialogue. In her research she focuses on topics of peace building, women’s leadership, Middle Eastern history, metaphysics, mysticism and female spirituality in comparative religions.

 Innsbrucker Gender Lectures
52. Innsbrucker Gender Lecture
Lecture in English

The Nation and its Queers

rr-photoRahul Rao, Senior Lecturer in Politics at SOAS University of London


               Tuesday, January 16th 2018, 7 PM
               Fakultätssitzungssaal, 3rd Floor, SOWI, Universitätsstraße 15 (Ibk)

Comment: Nikita Dhawan, Institute of Political Science, Directress of the Research Platform Gender Research
Moderation: Caroline Voithofer, Institute of Civil Law




Abstract&CV

In April 2014, the Supreme Court of India ruled in National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) v. Union of India that trans persons would have the right to self-identity as male, female or ‘third gendered’ with no prior requirements of medical or surgical intervention. The Court further mandated that the state regard trans persons as a category of ‘socially and educationally backward citizens’ to whom constitutional guarantees of affirmative action in public employment and education ought to be extended. In this lecture, I want to think about the category of 'backwardness'. In international politics and law, 'backwardness' is a standard trope of orientalist discourse. But in Indian constitutional law and politics, 'backwardness' has a rich and diverse set of connotations having become the hegemonic basis on which different kinds of marginal groups claim reservations (affirmative action) in different arenas. 'Backwardness' has a peculiar temporality, being envisaged as a temporary condition that carries within itself the promise of its extinction. I will explore what this temporality has meant in respect of anti-caste radicalism before speculating on what it could mean for struggles around gender identity. In conclusion, I will reflect on the relationship between gender and 'backwardness' in a so-called Rising India.

Rahul Rao is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at SOAS University of London. He is the author of Third World Protest: Between Home and the World and of numerous articles in the fields of international relations theory, postcolonialism and queer politics. He is a member of the Radical Philosophy collective and blogs at The Disorder of Things. He is currently working on a book on queer postcolonial temporality.


Veranstaltet von der Interfakultären Forschungsplattform Geschlechterforschung
in Kooperation mit Radio Freirad (www.freirad.at)